'You make me
sick': Women, health and romantic love
Wendy Langford,
Lancaster University
ABSTRACT
Based on an
original study of women's experiences of heterosexual love, this paper explores
and discusses the unexpected claims of many participants that such
relationships had literally made them sick.
Particular emotional processes and relational dynamics are identified
which provide a context and explanation for the women's claims. The analysis adds support to feminist arguments that romantic love relationships involve the
reproduction of gendered power, but stresses women's own emotional investments
in achieving a romantic ideal that promises happiness, emotional security and
well-being, through the attention and devotion of a 'special person'.
INTRODUCTION
When I embarked on a study of women's experiences of
heterosexual love relationships, the question of health was not one of my
central concerns. Like everyone, I was
aware that personal relationships could be very stressful. but only a single
question on the subject of 'health and well-being' appeared among the long list
on my interview schedule. I was
surprised, therefore, when, either in response to this particular question, or
at other times during interviews, the majority of women who participated in the
study described episodes of ill health which they felt to have been largely, if
not solely, caused by their participation in a particular relationship. Detailed analysis of the data revealed that
the women's 'love sickness' was not a random occurrence, but was closely linked
to very specific emotional processes and relational patterns which could be
identified across their accounts.
This paper outlines my findings on the relationship
between health and love in women's lives. I follow this with a brief discussion
of how far individual pathology, 'bad' relationships or gendered power are
sufficient explanations, before concluding that the research raises important
questions concerning the wisdom of placing so many of our hopes for happiness
and well-being on the experience of romantic love.
THEORETICAL
BACKGROUND
Romantic love has been on the feminist agenda for more
than a century, and was seen as a central issue by many writers in the
EuroAmerican women's movement of the 1970s.
It was argued that ideologies of romance lead women to believe that
happiness is to be found through surrender to an idealised other, thus blinding
them to the fact that heterosexual love relationships are both oppressive in
themselves and play a crucial part in the maintenance of a patriarchal
society. Ti-Grace Atkinson, for example,
argued that "the phenomenon of love
is the psychological pivot in the persecution of women" (1974: 43),
while Shulamith Firestone saw patriarchal culture as underpinned by a system of
one-way emotional relationships: "women
are not creating culture because they are preoccupied with love" (1979:121)[1].
These feminist critiques remain, however, largely
undeveloped[2]. Meanwhile,
only two decades later, a recent surge of interest in love among sociologists
has produced claims that couple relationships are becoming increasingly
'democratised', taking on the characteristics of contracts negotiated between
free and equal partners (Giddens 1992; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 1995; Weeks
1995). The discrepancy between these two
bodies of theory, neither of which has any substantive empirical foundation,
generates a number of important research questions: What meaning does the
experience of romantic love have for individuals in contemporary society? How is this related to questions of gender
identity? How are subjective emotional
experiences of love related to the relational dynamics between partners? How are these dynamics in turn related to the
exercise of power? And, how true are
claims that love relationships are becoming more equal?
RESEARCH
METHODOLOGY
There is scope for a wide range of innovative research
projects in relation to these questions. wanted to address, in particular,
feminist claims concerning feminine identity, love and heterosexuality, and so
chose to carry out a qualitative study of women's experiences of heterosexual
love relationships, Fifteen women were selected who were prepared to talk in
depth and in detail about their love relationships past and present. The women came from a variety of social
backgrounds and their experiences ranged from those who had .married their
first love, and had stayed married, to those who had had a number of love
relationships; also, from those who felt they had been 'lucky in love', to
those who felt the opposite.
The research was designed to be particularly
searching, and each woman participated in a series of 3 semi-structured, tape-recorded interviews. The fieldwork yielded approximately 70 hours
of tape-recorded material which was transcribed in its entirety and subjected
to detailed analysis, This gave access to the women's own insights and
understandings of their experiences, and also enabled the researcher to
identify common patterns across the different accounts. It was thus possible to construct an
understanding of how this group of women experienced romantic love, how they
responded to their partners, how they experienced their partners as relating to
them, the nature of the emotional investments they had in these relationships,
and how all of this related to their sense of themselves and to interpersonal
dynamics of power and control. It was
from this analysis that, somewhat unexpectedly, the issue of health emerged as
a key theme.
FINDINGS IN
RELATION TO HEALTH
A range of health problems, sometimes of a severe
nature, were described by women in the study.
These included digestive upsets, weight loss, disruption of
menstruation, chronic insomnia, depression, anxiety, and eating disorders. Acute distress in love relationships is
commonly associated with abuse and, indeed, some women in the study had been
subject to manifest abuse by partners.
Far more common in the women's narratives, however, were certain
relational patterns which would be unlikely to be generally recognised as
abusive, or as particularly unusual[3]. It is these
patterns that call be seen to provide a context and a partial explanation for
women's experiences of sickness.
A particular relational dynamic appeared in almost all
accounts as the basic underlying pattern of interaction between women and their
partners. When recounting experiences of
established love relationships, even where these were claimed to be
comparatively satisfactory, women repeatedly expressed frustration concerning
an attitude of emotional detachment exhibited by their partners. Men were frequently described as 'withdrawn,,
as .shutting of', and as remaining unmoved by their partners concerns. The women's feelings about this attitude were
intense, and in the interviews they would often show visible signs of tension
and frustration as they spoke of how they had tried to 'get through' an
invisible 'wall' or 'barrier' ,which their partner seemed to erect around
himself. The difficulty was often
exacerbated in that the more the woman tried to 'break through', the more
'distant' her partner would become. If
she kept 'pushing', he might become angry and defensive.[4]
It has been suggested that such gendered :patterns are
evidence of an unequal emotional contract between men and women (Hite
1988). Elsewhere, I develop the theory
that emotional distancing functions as a means of exercising power and control
in love relationships (Langford, forthcoming).
Here, however, I want to focus specifically on how women in the study
responded to their partner's distancing, and the destructive effect this
appeared to have on their well-being.
For the women, the critical factor was not simply that
their partners were emotionally 'unavailable', but the fact that this had not
always been the case. In other words,
men were experienced as having undergone a process of withdrawal which followed
on from an initial phase of comparative intimacy and mutuality[5]. Many women
lamented that the whole reason they had 'got together' with the man in question
in the first place was that he had been attentive, affectionate and
affirming. This was experienced as
extremely gratifying, and the man's subsequent emotional withdrawal was thus a
painful loss.
The sense of loss and disillusionment is not in
itself, however, a sufficient explanation for women's 'lovesickness'. Of crucial importance here is how they
responded to their partner 'putting up the shutters'. Analysis of the accounts revealed changes in
women's own behaviour and sense of self, which paralleled the process of their
partner's withdrawal and which were motivated by the desire to make good their
loss. These changes are usefully
described as 'self-silencing' and 'self objectification'.
Self-silencing refers to a process whereby women
appeared to lose sight of their own feelings and of what was important to them
as individuals, not only within love relationships but in other respects as
well. Although in the interviews women
often expressed anger at their partners, and saw them as being at fault, their
accounts also revealed a tendency to take responsibility for the difficulties,
in that the more distant the man became, the more effort they would put into
'trying to work him out'. Moreover,
taking such responsibility did not 'feel' to be too much of a problem; 'working
at the relationship', and helping an 'emotionally illiterate' partner to
express his feelings, could be experienced as an area of female competence
(c.f. Duncombe and Marsden 1993). One
woman, for example, expressed pride in her ability to deliberately put her own
feelings aside when having a 'talk' with her partner, so that she could
concentrate on helping him to 'open up'.
Another claimed that she knew more about her partner's 'inner life' than
he did!
However, while women themselves tended to assume that
such abilities showed that they were 'good at relationships' in comparison to
their partners, such assumptions can, as Sandra Bartky (1990) argues, be viewed
as particularly treacherous[6]. To illustrate
this I will use an extract from an interview with 'Hannah', whose
self-reflexivity provided some important insights into the process of
self-silencing. Here 'Hannah' reflects
critically on her own response to men's withdrawal in three previous
relationships:
'Hannah': "I've
consistently lost sight
of myself in trying to work out this emotional [puzzle] that they're offering
me. Because I think - well - I'm sorted,
so forget about me - I'll just try and get this sorted. And
I've got really caught up in
somebody else's head ... It's losing
sight of who I actually am ... Who am
1? What things do I like? What things am
I interested in? In what ways do I like
to talk to people? ... I've almost
scrubbed out the old me and immersed myself in this new person".
A similar process was evident in many other narratives. On the one hand, women complained of a
growing alienation from their partner, yet their own response to his distance
appeared to alienate them from themselves while putting him 'centre stage'. Ironically, therefore, women's attempts to
re-establish a sense of intimacy with their emotionally 'absent' partners
ensured that they themselves were less 'present' in the relationship.
Self-silencing was closely linked to a second process
evident in the interview material, that of self-objectification; indeed, I
separate them only for analytical purposes.
Through self-objectification, women could come to apprehend themselves
as the object of their partner's gaze'; that is, they would learn to see
themselves as they imagined their partner might see them. This compounded the tendency for the man to
assume centre stage and ensured that his point of view, or perceived point of
view, was even more visible. Thus the
more her partner seemed distant and disinterested, the more the woman would not
only silence her feelings, but attempt to second guess what his point of view
might be. Again, women's motivation
seemed to be simply a desire to 'make the relationship work'. 'Sarah', for example, echoed several other
women in the study, when she said of her partner, 'Wayne', "he's not horrible to me - he's indifferent". In the following extract, she talks of
how she tries to .win him back':
'Sarah': "/
spend a lot of my time trying to get
affection from him, so much so that it makes me tired, sometimes because I try
so hard, and I usually don't get anywhere."
Wendy: "What
sorts of things do you try to..."
'Sarah': (interrupts)
"/just try to do what he wants to do
- try and organise us to go out for a meal or something, but he just - he's
just not interested usually".
'Sarah' went on to describe how she puts a great deal
of effort into keeping their house looking nice and ensuring that she looks
'immaculate' whenever 'Wayne' is around.
Thus, although 'Sarah' was very angry and critical of 'Wayne' during the
interview, her account nevertheless reveals that it is she who has assumed
emotional responsibility for his loss of interest by trying to work out how to
please him. Her lack of success
leaves her tired and frustrated as she silences her own feelings of anger, disappointment
and hurt.
It is important
here to emphasize the dialectical nature of what appeared to happen between
women and their partners. The more the
man withdrew, the more his partner would become anxious, and try to 'work him
out' at the expense of her own point of view.
Her motivation was to re-establish an emotional connection, but,
paradoxically, the more the woman lost sight of herself in pursuit of her
withdrawing partner, the more he seemed to withdraw.
The existence of
such a dynamic produced a downward spiral which appeared as both a cause and
context of women's health problems.
Silencing and objectification brought a loss of confidence and
self-esteem. Old insecurities about
appearance, intelligence, acceptability as a person, and so on, were
reactivated and new ones awakened, perhaps focused on some cruel remark the
partner might have made. The less their
partners showed any affirmation or respect, the more likely women came to
'read' the man's behavior as a negative comment upon themselves. For example, one woman, 'Jane', described how
she developed eating and digestive problems in a previous marriage. As her husband became more distant, 'Jane'
became preoccupied with her body and fearful that his apparent rejection of her
was due to her appearance. The more
'Jane' worried that she was fat, however, and the less able she felt to assert
herself within the relationship, the more she felt like eating to console
herself:
'Jane': "... I went from, at one time, going very overweight from bingeing for
comfort, because 1 wasn't getting what I wanted out of the relationship, - just
eating and eating, comfort eating, taking food to bed with me when he didn't
realize - to going to the other extreme of making myself ill to ... to diet drastically to try and be what he
wanted me to be. ... And I had ... I
developed stomach problems, and I was
nervous all the time".
These
destructive effects were often compounded by the fact that, paradoxically, the
more distressed women felt, and the less they felt recognised within in the
relationship, the more difficult it became to contemplate leaving it. Indeed,
their lack of confidence could make such a step feel overwhelmingly
frightening. It could feel as though
they had invested 'everything' in trying to make this relationship ,work' and
therefore they would lose everything if it ended. This single-mindedness produced a tendency
for some women to feel that the cause of all their problems was the fact that
they did not feel loved by their partner.
This was the
case with 'Diane', who, like a number of women in the study, talked about
suffering from episodes of depression.
In the following extract, it can be seen that 'Diane' is quite insistent
that her depression was directly caused by her husband's 'coldness' towards
her:
'Diane': "/ had got into a very depressed state... and... I said, oh, I said 'l feel as though I have lost my soul
somewhere'. Do you know what he said to me? 'What
does it feel like?' (laughs)... 'What does it feel like? Not: 'Don't be silly,
of course you haven't, come here', you know? 'What does it feel like?"
(disbelief)
Wendy: "Was
your depression..."
'Diane': (interrupts)
"Due to him?"
Wendy: "To
the marriage?"'
'Diane':
"Yeah".
Wendy: "Very
much?'
'Diane': "Yeah,
Oh yes. Definitely, yes ... he sort of left me in a ... like ... this void ... And l just had
no one to talk to, because if I talked to him, I may as well be talking to
myself... And I was just going down,
and down, and down. And other people
could see it, but he couldn't - Whether he didn't want to, you know, I don't
know. But I went to seven and a half
stone ... and the doctor then said to
me, 'You have had a complete ... physical
and nervous breakdown."
Wendy: "And
that was all due to..."
'Diane': (interrupts) "Well, it was due ... to
my relationship with 'John', and his inability to offer me any sort of... emotional and, sort of spiritual
support".
Diane's experience of her 'decline' as being a direct
result of frustration and disappointment in love is highly significant. It implies a conviction, echoed in several
other women's narratives, that if only their partners would love them in the
way they felt they needed to be loved, in the way they had in fact felt loved
at the outset, they would be able to regain their well-being. Instead, however, frequent laments that 'he
didn't even notice' or 'he just carried on as usual' revealed that it was this
they found most painful of all.
DISCUSSION
How should such findings be explained? In particular, can women's 'lovesickness' be
seen simply as the effect of male power and of the oppressive nature of
heterosexual relationships? There are
other possible explanations.
It could be suggested that certain women are
exceptionally prone to such 'decline of self', and that love relationships
merely act as a forum where this tendency manifests itself. This theory might gain support, for example,
from the work of psychoanalyst Alexandra Symonds, who writes of her clinical
experience of young women who, upon marriage, gave up all aspirations to
independence and self sufficiency and developed various signs of ".,.constriction of the self" (Symonds
1974: 288). Symonds observes that a
significant number of women seem to 'shrivel up' after marriage, giving up
previous interests and activities and developing phobias, usually in
conjunction with depression, anxiety and so on (pp. 288-9). Similarly, in a study of 12 women diagnosed
as clinically depressed, psychologist Dana Crowley Jack found that the one
thing they all had in common was a tendency to describe their relationships
with male partners as involving a loss of self (Jack 1991).
My own study group, unlike those of Symonds and Jack,
was selected on the basis of their 'ordinariness', and not on their
presentation of acute psychic distress.
How, then, is it possible to account for the fact that more than half of
the women spoke of similar experiences?
One obvious explanation, always possible in a small study, is the
unwitting selection of an exceptional group.
However, while I have here concentrated on the experience of decline and
suffering, it would be misleading to suggest that these women were unusually
'weak' or dependent. Indeed, by some
other measures they might be seen as strong and successful. Most, for example, were mothers who had
brought up families, more or less successfully, all but one were in paid world,
some had successful professional careers, and, if anything, the group had a
higher than average level of educational attainment. The overall picture is thus one of a fairly
unexceptional group, describing the normal ups and downs of love, and life, and
health. While individual differences
clearly exist, my study is suggestive of a more general tendency among women
towards 'disappearing' in the context of love relationships, a tendency which
is not ultimately reducible to individual pathology.
If the women were not exceptional, perhaps their
relationships were. Certainly, there was
considerable evidence of unhappy relationships: some women had been divorced,
some had suffered from abuse at the hands of partners, and a minority were so
disillusioned that they despaired of ever finding happiness in their current
relationship or any other. Are these not, however, quite usual experiences? Soaring divorce rates and an ever increasing
army of experts discoursing on the topic of 'how to have a good relationship'
suggest that, despite our aspirations, few of us are actually engaged in the
emotionally satisfying, sexually fulfilling, companionate relationship of the
romantic ideal.
Moreover, even the accounts of women who felt their
relationships to be relatively happy were not entirely free from the dynamics
and processes which I have outlined.
Thus, while some love relationships are clearly much more destructive
than others, it would be hard to conclude from this study that the problem of
women's' shrinking selfhood', and its associated ailments, is reducible to
their participation in exceptionally 'bad' relationships. Rather, the evidence is suggestive that
heterosexual relationships, in general, are prone to the reproduction of
harmful gendered patterns, even if the intensity of these is variable.
There are long-standing claims which would appear to support such a
conclusion. In the early 1970s, for
example, sociologist Jessie Bernard claimed that US health statistics had, for
more than a generation, revealed "the
poor mental and emotional health of married women as compared not only to
married men's but also to unmarried women's" (Bernard 1972: 27-28)[7]. Bernard herself
saw the economic dependency of the traditional 'wife' role as largely
productive of women's health disadvantage, and suggested that a 'shared role
pattern' might go some way towards ending it.
In my study, however, economics did not appear as the major motivation
for women remaining in 'unhealthy' relationships, and while genuine sharing
of domestic responsibilities was generally far from evident, this fact in
itself appeared to be partly underpinned by women's desires to 'make the
relationship work' emotionally. It was
this powerful desire that implicated many women in the active, although
completely unintentional, tendency to participate in their own demise.
CONCLUSION
The study certainly found no evidence to
support the claim that love relationships are becoming more democratic. On the contrary, the onset of health problems
appeared to be one manifestation of what can happen when women are socially
conditioned to seek self-fulfillment through a self-denying relation to a
particular man. This conclusion,
however, raises further questions: how far are we to regard women's
lovesickness as an effect of male power; as the effect of the particular
structure of feminine identity; as the effect of heterosexual dynamics; or as
the effect of romantic love itself?
While, at least insofar as heterosexual love is concerned, these factors
seem, in practice, to be indivisible and interrelated, perhaps what matters in
terms of a search for change is where it is useful to place most emphasis.
For me, what stands out from the study
is the way in which gender identity, the dynamics of relationships, and the
exercise of power, were all negotiated in relation to the experience of falling
in love itself, partly through women's own desire to recapture something they
felt they had lost. Even where the 'in
love' phase had been brief, and the years of unhappiness had been long, women
often still hoped that the relationship would become what it once had seemed to
be, or what they had once hoped it would become. What was it that made this hope so
compelling?
Falling mutually in love was described
by several women as a powerful and positively transforming experience. Two factors were clear: firstly, they had
gained the attention, the affection and the affirmation of their lover, and,
secondly, they had gained a new sense of self new feelings of confidence,
well-being and self worth. All of a
sudden, they could transcend the self-doubt that had held them back in the
past. As 'Sarah' said of her early
relationship with 'Wayne', "He
couldn't get enough of me - I could do anything because I was in love with
him". Thus, just like the
heroines in romantic novels, women experienced themselves as becoming
'somebody' through falling in love[8].
Can romantic love really transform our lives
and give us a new identity? It can
certainly prove pleasurable and gratifying, and is so highly regarded as a
fortunate and foundational life event in contemporary western society that some
theorists claim it has gained the status and function of a 'secular religion'
(Beck and Beck-Gernesheim 1995).
Certainly, to speak of the dangers of 'falling' can seem like
heresy. But dangers there are, for
falling in love is also, by its very nature, a transitory and illusory
experience (Alberoni 1983). Whatever we
'gain' through falling in love, we cannot have and we cannot keep. Thus, while women in this study 'became
themselves' in the affirming gaze of their devoted lovers, so they 'lost
themselves', once again, as their partners became less affirming, less
devoted. And, while in one sense this
loss was as illusory as the gain which preceded it, women's attempts to
overcome it had destructive effects which were all too real.
Paradoxically, therefore, women's
tendencies to give themselves up for love' were ultimately fueled by a powerful
perception that they had once 'found themselves', and could therefore find
themselves again, through surrender to love.
The fact that the women's identities, and often their health and
well-being too, were thus so affected by the vicissitudes of love, certainly
demonstrates how love relationships can function as a domain for the exercise
of power. However, this may not be
easily remedied in a society where, for everyone, happiness, security, identity
and emotional fulfillment seem increasingly to depend on establishing and
maintaining a relationship with a 'special person'.
REFERENCES
Alberoni
F(1983) Falling in Love (trans. Venuti L) Random Press, New York
Atkinson
T (1974) Amazon Odyssey Links Books,
New York
Bartky
S (1990) Femininity and Domination:
Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression Routledge, London
Beck
U and Beck-Gernsheim E (1995) The Normal
Chaos of Love (trans. Ritter M and
Wiebel J) Polity, Cambridge
Bernard
J (1973) The Future of Marriage Souvenir
Press, London
Christian-Smith
L (1990) Becoming a Woman Through Romance
Routledge, London
Douglas
K (1996) Invisible Wounds: a self-help
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J and Marsden D (1993) Love and intimacy..
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Firestone
S (1979) The Dialectic of Sex: The Case
for Feminist Revolution The Women's Press, London
Giddens
A (1992) The Transformation of Intimacy..
Sexuality, Love and Eroticism in Modem Societies Polity Press, Cambridge
Hite
S (1988) Women and Love: A Cultural
Revolution in Progress Viking, London
Jack
DC (1991) Silencing the Self.. Women and
Depression Harvard University Press, London
Kirkwood
C (1993) Leaving Abusive Partners Sage,
London
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W (1996) Romantic Love and Power in
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Introduction to Women's Studies Open University Press, Buckingham
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W (forthcoming) The Subject of Love Routledge,
London
Lerner
HG (1989) The Dance of Anger: A Woman's
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Mansfield
P and Collard J (1988) The Beginning of
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Modeleski
T (1984) Loving With a Vengeance Methuen,
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,L. and Stacey J (eds) (1995) Romance
Revisited Lawrence and Wishart, London
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J (1984) Reading the Romance: Women,
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A (1974) Phobias After Marriage,: Women's
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Notes
[1] See Langford
(1996) for a summary of feminist debates concerning love and power.
[2] Some important
work on women's relationship to romance as a cultural form continued in the
1980s (see e.g. Modleski 1984; Radway 1984; Christian, Smith 1990), and remains
the main focus of feminist academic interest in love (see Pearce and Stacey
1995). Research and discussion of 'real
life' romantic love has, however, remained a neglected area.
[3] Although, see
Kirkwood (1993) and Douglas(1996) for more comprehensive definitions and
discussions of what constitutes 'emotional abuse' in love relationships.
[4] Similar
patterns have been found by sociologists in interviews with male and female
partners in heterosexual couples (Mansfield and Collard 1988; Duncombe and
Marsden 1993) and are widely described and discussed in popular self-help
literature (e.g. Lerner 1989)
[5] I discuss
possible reasons for this apparent withdrawal elsewhere (Langford, forthcoming).
[6] Sandra Bartky
(1990) argues that the activities of 'feeding egos and tending wounds' can give
women feelings of power and personal efficacy, which should not be mistaken for
real power to act in the world. Indeed, they
may help to undermine women's position.
[7] Francesco
Alberoni (1 983) argues that one of the fundamental characteristics of failing
in love is its capacity to remake the Past, to heal old wounds, to make us feel
'whole'.
[8] In an analysis
of teen romances, Linda Christian-Smith (1990), for example, argues that the
plot is generally structured around a weak, aimless and insecure heroine whose
romance with a special boy transforms her into 'somebody' who is mature,
self-confident, friendly and popular.