Resisting Social
Psycholgy:
Sapsford, R. & Dallos, R.
Chapter 11 in Sapsford, R., Still, A., Wetherell, M., Miell, D.,
Stevens, R. (Eds.) (1998) Theory and Social Psychology, London, Sage in
association with the Open University Press. ps. 191-208.
1. Introduction
The essential ideological
function of social psychology ... is to
depoliticise ... and to present [itself] as a neutral domain of technical
expertise ... applied to the benefit of the whole of society.
(Gross, 1974, pp. 42-3)
It
is probably fair to say that social and clinical psychology have become well
entangled in modern life. For example, it is commonplace to hear elements of
behaviourism/learning theory, psychological theories about groups and
developmental psychology reflected in ordinary conversations. The language and
concepts of psychoanalysis had become common cultural currency by the 1970s.
(For the purpose of this chapter, psychodynamic ideas will be accredited to
social rather than clinical psychology despite their therapeutic applications;
clinical psychology tends to be more behaviourally-oriented.) As Jonathan
Potter (1996) says:
'...our
common sense is indeed a sediment from past theorising about psychology and the
self'. There is evident interest in popular psychology - chat shows, countless
articles on personality, sexuality and relationship problems in magazines, and
so on - and academic psychology courses are also very popular. (At the time of
writing, the Open University has more than 2,600 students a year studying the Introduction to Psychology course, and
over 8,000 each year on the psychology programme as a whole.) At one time it
could have been argued, with some justice, that the 'customers' of social
psychology were not workers, children and delinquents, but industries, schools
and control agencies. Now, in contrast, one might want to claim that this
extensive popularity and popularisation has the effect of 'giving away' social
psychological knowledge to the public at large, rather than making it available
'on prescription only' to controlling groups such as managers, psychiatrists,
senior educationalists and the government. It is available in book form, for
'self-medication', to parents bringing up children, to those who want to
improve their work and social skills and to those who see themselves as having
problems with relationships. 'Professional advice' is very freely available in
magazines and on television and radio.
Nonetheless,
the element of control remains. In this chapter we shall argue that social
psychology still has a control function, exercised in five different ways.
1. At the
level of applied work, social and clinical psychology are used in the 'people
trades' - for example, in social work, education and nursing care - as a set of
techniques for 'piecemeal social engineering'. They are used to change people,
for their own good and that of others, so that they conform to the behaviour
and performance expected of them and the circumstances in which they find
themselves. Psychology's use in industry, commerce and education to select the
'right' people for positions and opportunities, to train them to perform at
their best and to motivate them to optimum production is an equally clear
example of psychology 'exercising control'. Further, social psychology still acts
as the informing or validating 'corpus of knowledge' for a range of
institutions and agencies whose function is, explicitly or implicitly, the
maintenance of social order.
2. In taking
on and exercising these functions, social psychology has fought for and
acquired two kinds of authority: the authority of science and a 'professional'
authority akin to that exercised by medical practitioners. Both in their
different ways lend 'expert power' and influence to academic and applied
psychologists (see Chapter 8, earlier in this volume.)
3. Particularly
in the 'people trades' (but sometimes less so in industry and commerce) the
practical effect of using psychological techniques is to 'de-politicise' and to
'individuate' - to pose problems and seek solutions at the level of individuals
and groups and to propose 'technical' solutions to what might otherwise be seen
as moral or political issues - and it teaches this approach to the
professionals whom it helps to train and to legitimate.
4. At the
level of social order the 'project' of academic social psychology has often
been utopian social engineering -
working for a better world by the application of (psychological) science. Such
a project is 'obviously' to be applauded, but the world can be reshaped only if
you have power; making its improvement a matter of the application of the
'correct technique' tends to mask underlying power transactions.
5. We shall
also argue that social psychology constitutes the basis for an effective mode
of social control by inculcating certain ways of thinking about the social
world, setting out what is to count as evidence about it and shaping the
language of personal and interpersonal relations.
Thus
we think it fair to argue that social psychology has a function in social control
at two levels. At one level it is directly applied to solve problems and
optimise performance, or to train others to do so; at the other level it helps
to create and maintain a set of 'models' of the nature of the person and the
social world which shape and constrain our actions and our very understanding
of ourselves and our needs, potentialities and obligations. However the title
of the chapter 'Resisting social psychology' was intended to point in two
directions. On the one hand, the controlling force of social psychological
thinking and practice may be worthy of being resisted. On the other hand, very
often social psychology itself has pointed to the need for resistance and
provided the tools with which to resist itself and its applications - in a straightforward
way in the 1960s and 1970s, and through increasingly sophisticated and
reflexive analysis of ideology and discourse in the 1980s and 1990s. A
tradition of resistance forms part of the history of social psychology itself
and we shall be looking briefly in this chapter at some episodes in this
history.
2. Clinical psychology and
'anti-psychiatry'
...taking what is an essentially political problem,
removing it from the realm of political discourse and recasting it in the
neutral language of science. Once this is accomplished the problems have become
technical ones.
(Foucault, 1982, p. 196)
The
most obvious form of control and manipulation occurs in clinical psychology and
the psychotherapies, where changing people is the explicit purpose of the enterprise.
Clinical psychology has traditionally been considered a separate field of
endeavour from social psychology, and both have maintained a separation from
psychiatry and psychoanalysis. However, there are important points of
connection between all of them. Each has informed the 'body of knowledge' which
is social psychology, and each has drawn on it. For example, the psychology of
group dynamics has informed group therapy. Likewise, the notion of a dynamic
unconscious and the relationship of 'symptoms' to interpersonal processes has
informed theory and research in social psychology.
When
clinical psychologists discuss clinical work they tend to do so as 'scientists'
or 'professionals'. That is, they talk mainly about techniques and their
outcomes, and seldom about the location of clinical work within a cultural and
moral order. Within this world-view (shared by the therapists and their
'customers') patients or clients can be seen as being defined by others as
deviants who need the help of social psychology to bring them into line and
help them to conform and, not surprisingly, social psychology has quite a bit
to say about the circumstances under which people do conform and the causes of
'deviation'. As an applied branch of a science it is concerned with mechanisms
and manipulations, with doing a sound professional job based on sound
scientific reasoning. Social psychology has rather less to say about how to
encourage people not to conform, to
resist pressure, to adopt creatively different lifestyles or modes of thought,
etc. There is, indeed, a flourishing tradition within social psychology of
research into group pressures and individual resistance to persuasion, but to
the best of our knowledge this has had no influence on any form of therapy.
Similarly, research and theory on prejudice and stereotyping has had little
impact on therapeutic intervention, except to the extent that it may alert
therapists to their own preconceptions. Indeed, the very presence of 'creative
alternatism' has itself often been regarded as symptomatic of a mental illness
or moral deviation and in need of cure or reshaping.
During
the 1960s and 1970s there was a substantial reaction against 'scientific'
approaches to social and clinical psychology and against contemporary applications
of psychodynamics to therapy. (The psychodynamics of the time tended very
strongly towards individualism and a medical model of 'mental illness',
particularly in psychiatric hospital practice. For a more social interpretation
see Thomas, 1996a, 1996b.) This reaction originated largely outside social
psychology - from a group of radically critical psychiatrists and under the
influence of the humanistic movement, which embraced ideas from Eastern
philosophies and from existentialism - but it had a considerable impact on
social psychologists. Four major objections to the 'scientific' approach
emerged, to a greater or lesser extent in different people's work.
1. The experiences of individuals were
'dis-authenticated' - the views and experiences of people labelled as mentally
ill, for example, were regarded as unimportant and as not reflecting 'what was
really going on’.
2. The reductionism inherent in the
scientific approach led to the investigation of behaviours and traits rather
than people, so there was no way of understanding people as people within social psychology.
3. The stress on the characteristics and
behaviour of individuals (or at best of ahistorical and context-free groups)
favoured individualistic explanations over collectivist ones - in itself a
political stance - and could be described all too often as 'blaming the
victim'.
4. While people's actions and decisions
belong essentially to the moral sphere, psychology was doing what is described
in the Foucault quote above and reducing these actions to technical problems to
be sorted out by experts.
These
criticisms reach out further than social psychology, into the professional
system of medicine and its focus on internal, organic causes of disorders.
However, social psychology played its part in drawing attention to the narrow
focus of the psychotherapies on the individual as the primary level of
analysis. Talking of 'social causes', clinical psychology and the
psychotherapies generally implied that problems were due to faulty learning and
poor experiences. In other words, the individual was mis-programmed and needed
a good 'systems analyst' to get the programming fixed, and/or to go 'off-line'
for a while (perhaps with the help of medication) and then be plugged back
'on-line' again. The psychologist or psychotherapist as 'service engineer'
carries out his or her professional function (see Sapsford, 1997, for a
discussion of the 'service model' of therapy).
Some
of the 'anti-psychiatry movement' made a radical attack on the whole concept of
mental illness as something treatable by 'quasi-medicine'. Szasz (1962) for
example, in The Myth of Mental Illness, attempts
to present 'mental illness' as something more akin to a disarrangement of
communication than to a bodily malaise. Others who accepted mental illness as a
disorder tended to frame it as a disorder located in a different domain from
that of personal or intrapersonal psychology - arguing, for instance, that
relational processes within the family and the social order were key to an understanding
of disorders. Laing, a psychiatrist and analyst, suggested in his book The Divided Self (1960) that forms of
mental illness were linked to destructive interpersonal processes and formed
'intelligible responses to difficult social circumstances'. These included
disorders of relationship in families in which people (especially women and
children) would find themselves trapped. So the trouble was not inside
individuals but in the transactions between members of the family. This still
left therapy focused on failures of relationship in the family. Laing and
others did attempt to extend this focus by looking at how these family
processes were, in turn, a product of the contradictions, inequalities and
abuses inherent in society and internalised into family life. (This was an
early signalling of the feminist critiques and analysis of for example, how
women suffer in families because of the material and ideological oppression of
patriarchy.) Interestingly, Hollingshead and Redlitch (1958) had offered a similar
analysis of the correlation between serious mental illness and poverty/class
inequality - that the poorest and most deprived have the worst mental as well
as physical health.
Some
of the radical offshoots of this movement, such as the cross-fertilisation of
therapy by humanistic psychology, showed interesting but perhaps predictable
developments. Initially much concerned with political and social processes,
humanistic therapy has tended to become more concerned with fitting individuals
into an unchallenged social order in the same way that Russell Jacoby (1975)
accuses American developments of Freudian theory of backsliding from the
political importance of Freud's insights. There is, of course, nothing wrong
with, and much to be said for helping people to achieve the most that they can
in the way of contentment and attainment from the circumstances in which they
find themselves, but doing so tends to mean that 'the way things are' is taken
for granted as natural or inevitable. You can then finish up with a style of
'self-improvement' whose main aim may appear to be returning tired, stressed
executives to their desks on a Monday morning bright, confident, competitive
and ready to do business.
Activity 11.1
Therapy
and self-improvement are 'obviously good things', so why would we want to
criticise them? Spend a couple of minutes
thinking what criticisms could be made while still holding on to the
essentially beneficial purpose of these activities.
It
would be a great error to suggest that therapy is not needed, or to deny that
what it delivers is for the good of its clients. People do have confused
experiences, they do suffer real and great distress and become trapped in
untenable ways of experiencing and dealing with the social world. However it
may be an equal and opposite error to fail to acknowledge that these 'deviant
states' may be, in part, a function of social processes - well understood
processes of labelling and deviance amplification whereby normal but extreme
behaviours and experiences can become marginalised, stigmatised and eventually
pathologised in the service of social control (Boyle, 1990). It is also a valid
criticism of the therapeutic endeavour to point out, while not denying its
value, that its desired end-product is a human being fit for social
circumstances, not social circumstances fit for human beings. In its practices,
therefore, it tends to support the existing social order and to obscure its
problems and inconsistencies. It is this, the social embeddedness of the
therapeutic endeavour and its function as part of the network of social
control, to which the 'anti-psychiatry movement' drew attention.
3.
Social institutions and 'anti-psychology'
The fallacy involved in
representing social norms as laws of nature is, of course, that the former can
be altered if we so wish, but the latter cannot and if this fallacy becomes
incorporated into scientific orthodoxy, the latter becomes . an obvious
instrument for maintaining the status quo.
(Ingleby, 1974, p. 318)
Over
the years, psychology has staked out a claim to expert knowledge in a range of
fields and contributed to the shape of many public-sphere social institutions.
Professions grounded in branches of social and individual psychology and
regarding themselves as part of the discipline have acquired authority and been
accepted as expert in a number of applied fields. In education it was tests of
'intelligence' - dividing the ineducable from the badly schooled - which first
gave psychology a stake in the area and legitimated its claims to expertise in
it at the beginning of the twentieth century. These tests quickly moved from a
way of identifying 'the feeble-minded' (as children with special educational
needs were then labelled) to a way of classifying the ability of all children.
Even in periods when the actual tests became less fashionable, the overall
notion of a school population being normally distributed with respect to an
identifiable and, in principle, measurable level of ability remained, and our
notions of schooling are fundamentally imbued with the idea of the innate
ability of children needing to be brought out.
In
the 1920s psychology captured the role of adviser to juvenile courts on the
treatment and disposal of delinquents and children 'in need of control' (for
example Burt, 1925) and as 'child guidance' advisers to schools and parents.
Psychologists have since established a routine expert status in the assessment
of criminals for sentencing by the courts, in the training of social workers
and probation officers to handle criminals in the community and in their
rehabilitative treatment within prison.
The
period from the end of the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth
also saw the growth of industrial psychology to advise on, select and regulate
workers and working conditions: the 'aptitude test' industry; attempts to
modify the physical and organizational environment of factory work to maximise
output and minimise labour turnover; psychological management training in
'human relations'; 'job enrichment'; and 'human resource management'.
Within
the private sphere, the role of psychological knowledge is so well entrenched
that it seems natural and inevitable, but it is, in fact, of fairly recent
origin. The private sphere as something separate from the more prestigious and
financially rewarding 'world of work' is, itself an invention of the nineteenth
century (see Watson, 1996) and psychology's power to determine how mothers
should bring up their children (and to rule on other 'related' issues such as
whether mothers have the right to take full-time paid employment) is more
recent still. These powers were increasingly conferred on medicine by the growth of home visiting - later health visiting -
during the early years of the twentieth century and the role of doctors as
experts advising on it and determining its form. While health visiting remains
under medical/nursing control, soon after the Second World War much of the
expert status passed to psychology and it is now psychologists who advise on
the mental and intellectual welfare of children and devise tests of the
normality of their development. In taking this role over from the medical
professions, psychologists have acquired some of the authority of medicine -
some of the same respect and right to intervene in people's everyday lives.
(See also Miell and Croghan, 1996, for a discussion of the 'professional
strangers' in health, psychology and social work whom we now take for granted
as available to fulfil some of people's needs for care and support.)
Those
who advise mothers would not see themselves as manipulative in any malign sense
but as 'benevolent experts' doing their best for both mothers and children.
Their expertise has sometimes been characterised, however, as using the mantle
of 'neutral' science to give objective validity to essentially moral positions - that it is natural for
women to want to mother - that mothers should give their undivided attention to
their children and put them before every other consideration, that certain
forms of mothering are superior to others, and so on.
So social, clinical and developmental psychologists
hold positions of expert power in the current world. They are employed and are
influential in education, in industry, in therapy and in the health services in
general. They are called as witnesses in courts, assess the mental state of
prisoners on remand, assess convicted prisoners for allocation and run
rehabilitative treatment programmes in prison. In addition they train other
professionals who have a 'care and control' or managerial role; psychology is
an important part of the training of doctors, nurses and other health workers,
prison officers, teachers, social workers and business managers, among many
others. Three propositions underlie the formal content of this training, even
if they are never articulated or even apprehended.
1. Problems may be detected and solutions
attempted at the level of individuals - an obviously true proposition, but one
which can serve to distract attention from wider and more politically sensitive
areas.
2. People can and, under certain
safeguards, should be manipulated for
their own good - indeed, social psychology in its applied guise tends to avoid
altogether any inspection of the notion that 'working on people' could have
moral and political aspects.
3. More subtly, there is a range of ways of
being, understanding the world and behaving in it that are functional,
acceptable, average (or acceptably deviant from the average) and that achieving
these is a proper goal of intervention and counselling.
The expert role would mostly be seen, by those who
employ psychologists and by the psychologists themselves, as something used for
good. Therapists, for example, are in the business not of controlling people
but of helping them to be happy or at least to cope with the social world as it
is. The same could rightly be said of other sorts of applied psychologists
employed in education, industry or the criminal justice system. No kind of
psychology is, in itself, 'radical' or 'progressive', and all branches of
social psychology have been at odds with current social norms at one time or
another. 'Scientific' social psychology has been much exercised, at many stages
of its history, by how we should deal with major social problems. The
experience of the Second World War, for example, spawned a number of now famous
studies into the conditions under which ordinary people will torture others 'in
obedience to orders' (Milgram, 1974) and the kinds of people most likely to do
so (Adorno et al., 1950). Experimental psychologists such as Philip Zimbardo
spent much of the 1960s and 1970s exploring violent behaviour and particularly
the situations under which people will oppress and persecute others, stimulated
by the phenomenon of lynch mobs on the one hand and the oppressive behaviour of
American prison guards on the other (Zimbardo, 1969, 1976; Haney et al., 1973).
Activity 11.2
Can
you think of other examples of this?
Examples
include the study of 'bystander apathy' stimulated by a real-life murder which
bystanders ignored (see Brown, 1996), and Margaret Wetherell's 1996a discussion
of the motivation of some psychologists in studying 'race' and stereotypes.
Social psychological research on prejudice and stereotyping is indeed one of
the clearest examples of a line of work motivated to study a social problem because it is a social problem. (On the
other hand, one should perhaps not over-emphasize or over-idealise the applied
nature of this work, or Zimbardo's. Though it tackles social problems, it
builds 'scientific' understanding more than it seeks immediate solutions and
seeks to expand psychology's knowledge base more than it seeks to overcome
prejudice or deindividuation. Most psychological researchers are academic
psychologists first and concerned with practical applications only afterwards.)
Beyond
this kind of study, however, social psychology has also been responsible for
breeding resistance to its own social powers. The 'anti-psychiatry' movement
had therapy as its main focus, but it was followed by a broader
'anti-psychology' movement. Social psychologists of the 1970s reacted very
strongly against the implications of the scientific model of social and
clinical work. They were not sure what social psychology should be - indeed, this is something we are still debating - but
they were quite clear about what it should not
be. Nigel Armistead's introduction to his Reconstructing Social Psychology (1974), a key work of the period,
is a spirited attack on positivism and determinism. This develops into a 'radical
humanism' in the writings of psychologists such as John Shotter, which opposes
attempts to understand humanity through the metaphor of the 'generalised
machine' (Gauld and Shotter, 1977) and tries to reassert social psychology as a
moral science whose purpose is 'to
increase not people's mastery over other people but their mastery over their
own possible ways of life' (Shotter 1974, p. 68). See also Shotter (1975) and
Fransella (1975) for similar arguments.
A
related attack on the 'human as machine' metaphor has been the attack in
developmental psychology on the notion that the human infant is a passive
recipient of learning and the popularisation of the idea of 'the active child'
(see Dallos, 1996). Inspired by the work of Bruner (1977), Trevarthen (1977),
Brazelton and Main (1974) and others, this line of thought argues that what is
missing from accounts of socialization is the realisation that babies are active in seeking what they want and in
initiating relationships; from the very beginning of their development they are
biologically prepared to enter into social relationships. Thus socialization
is not only a process in which the
mother teaches her baby but is, rather a two-sided interaction, with children
teaching their mothers how to mother at the same time as they are learning from
them; both parties to the interaction initiate as well as respond. In effect
this turns social psychology upside down and questions its inherently
individualistic stance; the question becomes not how children learn to engage
in relationships (they do this, to some extent, from birth) but how they learn
to become individual, isolated selves. It is then also apparent that this
development of isolated individuality occurs in different ways and to different degrees in different
countries, different subcultures or even different families.
4
Critical psychologies
Scientists firmly believe
that as long as they are not conscious of any bias or political agenda, they
are neutral and objective, when in fact they are only unconscious.
(Nameswirth, 1989, p. 29)
This
kind of psychology, which stresses relatedness and interaction as more
fundamental than individuation, might be seen as to some extent 'subversive'.
Capitalism flourishes where the population (or at least the working-class
population) takes for granted the value of individual advancement,
competitiveness, self-sufficiency and self-discipline. (This was firmly
believed by the Victorians, who promulgated these values in their tracts and in
their schools.) To the extent that the 'individualistic lobby' is strong in
social psychology, it is consonant with fundamental cultural themes and works
to support and reproduce them. To the extent that psychology's attention turns
to relationships, joint action and intersubjectivity, it may tend to undermine
them.
Beyond
this, and beyond the 'radical humanism' of writers such as Shotter and
Fransella, the 1970s reached the realisation among some authors that the same
psychology which they were attacking as supportive of the existing unequal
order could also be turned to subvert or change it. Thus the final chapter of
Nick Heather's Radical Perspectives in
Psychology (1976) is 'Psychology and the oppressed', suggesting that
psychologists should actively be furthering the interests of women, black
people and gay people and finishing with 'the idea that everybody is oppressed
in our kind of society, even those we usually call the oppressors' (p. 126),
advocating a Marxist psychology as one element in correcting the situation.
Phil Brown (1974) calls even more strongly for psychology to take on board
Marx's insights and work towards emancipation:
Psychology, like the
ruling-class forms of production/distribution it sup-ports, believes in a
pessimistic humanity for which 'original sin', 'instinct' or 'inappropriate
response' dictate the need for social control. Marxism counters such an
attitude with its own view of humanity
transcending the past in the
creation of newness ... Instead of passive pawns, we become active creators.
(Brown, 1974, pp. 165-6)
To
a large extent the politics is external to the psychology in this kind of work:
social psychology is to do much what
it has always done, but in different interests. Apart from specifically
technical matters - e.g. harnessing techniques of persuasion - the goal is the
development of human potential for collective sentiment and action beyond what
a capitalist society regards as safe or convenient, and the emancipation of
those in whose interests society is not currently
organised. A recognition of the power of ideology - the presentation as
natural, normal, right and in our own interest of ways of thinking and
organising the social world which, in fact, further the interests of one class
or group over another - is present in the work of people like Heather and
Brown. For the most part, however, they conceptualise it in a rather
'externalised' way, either as a deliberate conspiracy of the powerful to
mislead or, more subtly, as 'false consciousness', a set of mistakenly accepted
beliefs about the world which act to conceal real inequalities of power and
privilege.
This
tradition is still very live in social psychology, as witness a paper by Jost
and Banaji (1994) on the concept of 'justification' - defined as 'an idea being
used to provide legitimacy or support for another idea or for some form of
behaviour'. They list social events, thoughts and feelings, aggressive or
discriminatory behaviours, our own or other people's social status, in-group
aggression or discrimination and the prevailing social conditions in general as
matters which we find the need to justify. They distinguish ego-justification,
group justification (in which stereotyping plays a major role) and what they
call 'system justification':
System justification is the
psychological process by which existing social arrangements are legitimised,
even at the expense of personal and group interest ... Central to this
discussion is the concept of false consciousness, defined here as the holding
of beliefs that are contrary to one's personal or group interest and which
thereby contribute to the maintenance of the disadvantaged position of the self
or the group . . . Examples might include 'accommodation to material insecurity
or deprivation' ... 'needs which perpetuate toil, misery and injustice’ ... ‘a
kind of comfort in believing that one's sufferings are unavoidable or deserved'
... and thinking that 'whatever rank is held by individuals in the social order
represents their intrinsic worth'.
(Jost and Banaji 1994, pp. 1-2)
Activity 11.3
Do
you see any weakness in the way the concept 'ideology' is used by Jost and
Banaji? Spend a couple of minutes thinking about this.
This
way of looking at things entails a tendency to regard ideology and the
social/societal world in general as some kind of constant environment,
passively experienced, and to locate action
at the level of individuals or groups. This separates the study of ideology
from the empowerment of individuals. Ideology becomes a set of beliefs inherent
in a society, experienced probably as self-evident truths, which come to
regulate people's action and shape or constrain their choices. Most
importantly, it is argued that these beliefs or 'self-evident truths' are
supported by the evidence of existing inequalities - for example, the poor
accepting that they must be less able or they would not be poor. This model can
lead to a view of society as fragmented in terms of interests, with the
capitalist class in a conscious and clever conspiracy to misrepresent the world
in order to favour their own interests. Though such a conspiracy might exist in
some instances, however, the force of what Jost and Banaji suggest is that the
privileged groups may themselves be maintaining beliefs they have absorbed - in
other words, that they too are 'cogs in the social machine'. Certainly one
would not expect privileged groups to challenge the dominant ideologies which
favour them, and there is substantial evidence that they rarely do so; the
women's movement arises from women who have experienced oppression, for
example, and challenges to racism come from under-privileged minority groups.
However, in this view it is difficult to see how anyone ever manages to challenge the dominant ideology; it presents
an 'over-determined' view of social relations.
Social
psychology's reading of ideology became more sophisticated in the 1980s, as the
theorisation of the concept has developed outside the discipline. For example,
Althusser's notion of ideology is not of a 'thing', a feature of the
environment, but as the basis of any kind of social interaction; Althusser's
ideology is not an aspect of environment - it is the environment.
[Ideology is] not false
consciousness or distorted perception [but] the organisation of material
signifying practices that constitute subjectivities and produce the lived
relations by which subjects are connected ... to the dominant relations of
production and distribution of power in
a specific social formation at a given historical moment
(Ebert 1988, p.23)
In
other words, ideology creates both individuals and their social worlds: it is a
framework of meanings within which we locate ourselves, discover what it means
to be 'a person' and understand our (unequal) relationships with other such
people and with social institutions. (See Wetherell, 1996a for a discussion of
racism as part of the shifting construction of identity out of available
ideological resources.) The force of talking about 'material signifying practices' is to point out that we do not just
learn from being told, but from living in a world ordered in a particular way.
I learn how to be a factory worker or an academic or a student, for example,
not by being told how to behave - or not only
from being told - and not just by imitation, but by being cast in these
roles, experiencing them and learning by living them.
Althusser's
notion is that we are not socialised as such, but rather 'always/already
social' - we are born into a world which consists of a framework of roles,
meanings and expectations, concretised in social institutions, which pre-dates
the birth of any given individual and into which the individual must fit if he or she is to have any
social reality at all. (We are talking here not just of verbal statements about
the social world, but also about the patterns inherent in how people act. See,
for example, discussion of how boundaries are maintained and crossed on the
factory floor and work discipline maintained or subverted in Collinson, 1992.)
Children discover themselves as children, as sons or daughters, as school pupils
and so on, by being recognised in these roles by other people (usually adults,
who are significant and powerful other people, often charged as
agents with the responsibility of socialization and behaving accordingly); in
the process they are, quite unconsciously, adopting a social identity and
defining themselves to themselves as
persons. In other words, the roles exist before any given child comes to fill
them; who the child shall be, and in what place within the network of social
powers there, is a 'place' that was there before the child arrived to fill it.
A
major impact of this kind of thinking on social psychology has been the
realisation that even the nature of 'the self' cannot be taken for granted as
given but must be seen as something produced
by continuing historical and structural processes, and as being constantly
reproduced by them. In other words, the self is not fixed, any more than
ideologies are fixed or, indeed, than social relations are fixed. Everything is
subject to change; it is actively recreated by our acceptance of ideologies and
therefore identity positions, and in the process of recreation it may subtly
change (see also Wetherell, 1996b, particularly sections 1.3 and 1.4.) This
line of thought was taken up by the editorial collective of the journal Ideology and Consciousness and used as
the centre of a project to build an adequate theory of subjective experience in
a socially determined world (Adlam et al., 1977).
Activity 11.4
This is an improvement over the use of ideology earlier
in the text, but it still has problems; spend a couple of minutes thinking what
they might be.
This
kind of analysis gives insight into why we are as we are, what we believe and
in whose interests we believe it; it makes a genuine link between the personal
and experiential and the structural and political. It still does not give a
'handle' for personal action, however - it is concerned with the production of
selves by the socio-economic system. With the further development of
Althusser's work on ideology by Michel Foucault, the notion of a 'grand
theoretical explanation' in terms of generalised underlying causes began to
dissolve into a more complex and fluid understanding of the importance of particular histories in the genesis of
ways of mapping the social world ('discourses'). Previously Althusserian
psychologists gratefully accepted this less deterministic and more fluid way of
theorising the insertion of the personal into the social (e.g. Henriques et
al., 1984). One thing the language of discourses certainly does is to help
with the 'conspiracy' problem associated with the concept of 'false
consciousness . We can replace it with a notion more akin to 'complicity',
which is more plausible. We do not have to say that the middle classes conspire
to present a false picture of the world, whether consciously and explicitly
(for which there is little or no evidence) or unwittingly but somehow in
concert (which seems too large a set of coincidences to be believable). Instead
we can posit a whole range of situations in which an idea or practice arises
which is in the interests of middle-class people or groups who happen to be
present and who, unremarkably, pick it up and use it or encourage it - to the
detriment, say, of working-class people or black people whose interests are not served by it. Thus in place of a
monolithic conspiracy to impose a single ideology we have a whole series of
incidents, unrelated except that they involve people and groups of the same
social standing. Thus we may see people as constituted by discourses in several
important senses, but at the same time we can sensibly talk about them using discourses (and, of course,
adapting them and changing them).
One
consequence of the growth of critical theory into a concern with discourses and
their historical provenance has been a renewed examination of the discipline of
psychology itself. Perhaps the most influential work has been the detailed
study of psychology's history and influence on particular institutions carried
out by people such as Nikolas Rose (1985, 1989, 1990). One force of this kind
of critique is to abolish absolutely the notion of the societal and the
ideological as 'background' or 'constant environment' and expose it as
something constantly changing - sometimes imperceptibly, sometimes with great
rapidity - and as a part of
individuals, not as something set over them.
Attitudes and ways of seeing the world, this kind of thinking would argue, are
not something fixed which we receive, but something we take up and reinforce or
change by the way in which we use them. Thus it draws attention to the (witting
or unwitting) active role of social psychologists in maintaining and shaping
our collective creation, 'the world as we know it':
Psychology is not merely a
space in which outside forces have been played out, a tool to be used by
pre-given classes or interest groups. To the extent that various of its
theories have been more or less successful in enrolling allies ... in producing
calculable transformations in the social world, in linking themselves into
stable social networks, they have established new possibilities for action and
control. In establishing and consolidating such networks, in forcing others to
move along particular channels of thinking and acting, psychologists have
participated in the fabrication of contemporary reality.
(Rose. 1990, p. 112)
The
effect of this tendency to analyse social psychology as a product and a
producer of social histories and power-laden interactions between peoples and
groups has been to raise a substantial problem for which there is as yet no
consensus solution. What is to become of the discipline, if it can no longer
see itself as the neutral and unbiased producer of truths about people but must
recognise that it has been - like other disciplines -in the business of
producing techniques for management? Some have argued that the realisation of
the discipline's role in answering political needs spells the end of social
psychology: 'Social psychology - all of it - is a branch of the police; psychodynamic
and humanistic psychologies are the secret police' (Richer 1992, p. 118).
Others have claimed that it should at least give up claims to overarching
theory and concentrate on the insights that can be given by exploration of
particular cases and applied psychological practice (Polkinghorne, 1992;
Shotter 1992).
Our
feeling is that to announce the end of social psychology would be premature.
Undoubtedly its insights and techniques will continue to be used for the
purposes of social control in schools, hospitals, therapy, policing, industry
and elsewhere, but to say this is not necessarily to attack the discipline's
integrity: no society can exist without some form of social control, so the
question is not whether social
control but what forms of social
control. Undoubtedly the theories of social psychology will continue to shape
our way of seeing ourselves as selves and to inform 'common sense' about what
it means to be human and to be social; it would be extraordinary if all the
efforts of social psychologists did not have some impact on the world. Undoubtedly social psychologists will
continue to think they could build a better world and, some of them, to act on
this belief - and so they should, provided that other people monitor what they
are doing. Social psychology itself has a good record of acting as its own
critic and watchdog, as this chapter has demonstrated.
Perhaps
most important, however, is that social psychology should continue to act as a
body of empowering knowledge which
can be used to resist social control
- including the control which the discipline itself colludes in exerting:
Psychology should seek the
task of developing forms of inquiry by means of which people might arrive at a
greater understanding of and a greater degree of control over their own
behaviour and experience, their own relationships with others and their own
place in the social order
(Heather; 1976, p.59)
...the species-character of
man, the human creativity which should be the end of existence, has become a mere
means of survival. Man works to live rather than lives to work As Marx said,
'The problem is to organise the empirical world in such a manner that man
experiences in it the truly human, becomes accustomed to experience himself as
man, to assert his true individuality'.
(p.132)
The
techniques of social psychology have always been available to those who wish to
rethink their lives and their relationships. Now, with the growth of social
critique within social psychology, a more powerful tool of resistance is made
available. Susan Gregory's 1996 article on 'disability' illustrates how this
tool can be used: it unpicks an area of 'taken for granted' knowledge and shows
that it is not necessarily true, that there are other ways of thinking about
people who carry the label of 'handicap'. This kind of analysis of prevailing
discourses, which social psychology shares with critical sociology, is probably
the most emancipatory of all its techniques, and we hope that this volume has
shown you how it may be used within your own lives.
We should note, however, that to emancipate people is
still to manipulate them; we should be critical even of the critics when they
recommend beliefs or courses of action as 'being in your best interest'. No
branch of social psychology is emancipatory in all its applications, just as no
branch is devoted solely to social control. To the extent that critical
approaches become a new orthodoxy, a new resistance will doubtless be needed.
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